Narrow scoping content question items in shifty contexts: A case of surprising non-quotation in Uyghur

This paper analyses finite (indexically shifted) complements in Uyghur with narrow scoping content question items. Using novel data, this discusses the distribution of null subjects Uyghur, which can be licensed without a controlle embedded clauses except for interrogative intensional complements. I argue, following Suñer (1993), that interpretations (containing items) are syntactically larger than their extensional counterparts, containing Force phrase (ForceP). Following Holmberg et al. (2009)’s theory subject licensing, argue is partial language heads referential CPs contain valued [D] feature check unvalued [uD] on typically controlled pronouns (in 2009 sense), resulting an interpretation (null) not coreferent controller but rather some discourse provided individual. Referential cannot directly under ForcePs, and so items, take to ban kind subject.